A Russian Diary Read online

  “Are you investigating instances of looting?”

  “Oh, come on… Of course not.”

  “We desperately want to know the truth about how our relatives died. Are you intending to press charges against any officials for failing to provide [medical support in the aftermath]?”

  “If you were all given a million dollars like they do in the West, you would shut up straight away. You would do a bit of weeping and then just shut up.”

  Vladimir Kurbatov, father of a thirteen-year-old member of the Nord-Ost cast who died: “I would not shut up. I would still seek the truth about when and where my daughter died. As it is, nobody knows.”

  Lyudmila Trunova, a lawyer present at the meeting: “How did the body of Grigorii Burban, one of the hostages who died, come to be discovered on Lenin Prospekt?”

  “Says who? I don't know.”

  Tatyana Karpova: “Why was the body of Gennadii Vlakh cremated, as if he were one of the terrorists?”

  “That is none of your business. Why don't you ask questions about your old man?”

  “A question about Terkibaev …”

  “Terkibaev was never there. Politkovskaya did not help us. (I wrote in my newspaper about FSB officer Terkibaev's role in the siege.) She refused to give us information about him. She just said she didn't know anything.”

  “Has anybody been charged in connection with this affair?”

  “No.”

  Kalchuk is a typical representative of the law enforcement and security officials of the new era of Putin. They are actively encouraged to treat people high-handedly.

  In Magadan, meanwhile, large numbers of conscripts have fallen ill on the way to their units. Putin reacts instantly, calling this “a criminal way to treat people.” The raw recruits were lined up on an airfield for several hours wearing only light clothing, and more than eighty ended up in the hospital with pneumonia. One of the soldiers, Volodya Beryozin from Moscow Province, died on December 3 from hypothermia. Beryozin had been a strong, healthy boy who was selected to serve in the president's regiment. Volodya's father, like everyone else, is demanding an explanation from the president of how such a thing could occur.

  It is already January 15, and Volodya Beryozin was buried nine days ago, but Russia became indignant only after Putin expressed his anger. Soldiers are dust beneath their officers’ boots. That's the way it is here, and Putin, himself the incarnation of a stereotype, accepts it. His anger is a preelection stunt. No more than that.

  January 16

  The body of Aslan Davletukaev, abducted from his home on January 10, has been found showing signs of torture. He had been shot in the back of the head. The body was found on the outskirts of Gudermes. Aslan was a well-known Chechen human rights campaigner. [Despite the intervention of international organizations, the investigation of the murder proved fruitless.]

  Glory be to our tsar! An investigation is under way into the case of the frostbitten soldiers. Their inhuman treatment began at the Chkalov military aerodrome in Moscow Province. The weather was far from warm, and new recruits were crammed for twenty-four hours into an unheated arms store, sleeping on crates or on the cold floor. They were given nothing at all to eat, either then or on the subsequent journey. They were transported in a cargo plane at a temperature of — 22°F, like logs, and were all frozen to the marrow. When they landed in Novosibirsk they were forced out onto the airfield and made to stand in a biting wind at — 2°F for two hours. At Komsomolsk-on-Amur airfield they spent four hours in light clothing at — 13°F. In Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky it became obvious that some of them were seriously ill, but the officers escorting them ignored the situation. In the barracks where they were accommodated after the flight, the temperature was 54°F. By now almost one hundred of them were ill. There were no facilities to treat them. The army doctors had only antibiotics that had expired in the mid-1990s, and there were no disposable hypodermic needles. The medics gave them cough medicine.

  The chief military procurator's office has announced that it will shortly be questioning Col. Gen. Vasilii Smirnov, head of the central logistics board of the Ministry of Defense, in connection with the case of the frozen soldiers. This is an unprecedented liberty imaginable only if they have been given the green light from higher up. Twenty-two generals have already been questioned, the first time generals have ever been quizzed over anything that happened to conscripts. It is wonderful to see the president acting as Russia's foremost champion of human rights, but will he be wearing the same mask after the presidential election?

  Our democracy continues its decline. Nothing in Russia depends on the people; everything depends on Putin. There is an ever greater centralization of power and loss of initiative by officialdom. Putin is resuscitating our ancient stereotype: “Let us wait until our lord the barin comes back. He will tell us how everything should be.” It has to be admitted that this is how the Russian people like it, which means that soon Putin will throw away the mask of a defender of human rights. He won't need it anymore.

  Where have all the democrats gone? Alexander Zhukov, a former democrat and now a member of United Russia, considers that “it is a good thing when there is a ruling party in Parliament. The electorate will see clearly who is responsible for everything. In the previous three Dumas that was not the case. It is plain that United Russia is going to encourage a market economy based on reduction of the tax burden, development of free business and reducing the role of the state, re-forming of natural monopolies, bringing Russia into the world market, and reform of social welfare, which is not functioning satisfactorily at present. There is no reason to worry about this Duma. Democratic procedures are being observed better than in its predecessors.”

  (Zhukov was shortly afterward appointed a deputy prime minister.)

  January 17

  Political splits and defections continue. The Russian Revival Party, another of the dwarf parties, this one headed by Gennadii Seleznyov, has decided to support Putin in the election and to dump Sergey Mironov, chairman of the Soviet of the Federation and leader of the Party of Life, with whom it had an alliance during the parliamentary elections. The decision was taken after analyzing the party's showing in the elections. Between them the parties of these two leaders won just 1.88 percent of the vote.

  Television shows Putin reiterating, “We do not need an argumentative Duma.” The members of United Russia assure the country that their takeover of Parliament is “more honest” with the electors. It is becoming increasingly obvious that strict military discipline rules within the United Russia Party. None of the deputies is allowed to give interviews to journalists or to vote according to conscience. The party now has 310 deputies. Deputies are still joining up and swearing allegiance.

  The presidential election campaign is really very odd. There isn't actually any need for cunning spin doctors. Everyone already prefers Putin, even those standing against him. The idiot bodyguard Malyshkin has admitted as much. There was an item on television about Malyshkin's mother, who lives in Rostov Province in a house without running water. She says she will vote for Putin because she is very pleased with him. Mironov has even asked in amazement, “Why are we all standing as candidates? We should all stand shoulder to shoulder with Him.”

  Sergey Glaziev, another pseudocandidate, declares to the people, “I like Putin. I have a lot in common with him. What I don't like is the way his decisions are implemented.”

  The failure of the democrats and liberals to put forward a joint candidate themselves looks increasingly like political suicide.

  In Grozny, in broad daylight, Russian troops abducted Khalid Edel-khaev, forty-seven, a taxi driver, on the road leading to the village of Petropavlovskaya. His whereabouts are unknown.

  January 18

  The Central Electoral Commission is beginning to receive signatures from supporters of the nonparty candidates, but is there anyone left who is actually against Putin? Only Irina Khakamada.

  Within the Communist Party there is a confl
ict between the leaders, Zyuganov and Semigin, and they have no time left over for a committed political battle against Putin. Rogozin of Rodina says he wants to support Putin. Glaziev is still shilly-shallying.

  The deadline for submitting signatures is January 28, and there are fifty-five days remaining until the election.

  HOW DID PUTIN GET REELECTED?

  January 19

  Committee 2008, an organization campaigning for fair elections, but hoping to get them only in 2008, has issued a manifesto in which it says it is currently “repugnant” to live in Russia. As if we didn't know! The chairman of the committee is [the former world chess champion] Garry Kasparov* He is intelligent and self-reliant, which is a good start.

  January 20

  During the night, masked gunmen in white Zhigulis without number plates—the trademark of [Ramzan] Kadyrov's* forces—kidnapped Mi-lana Kodzoeva from her home in the Chechen village of Kotar-Yurt. Mi-lana is the widow of a fighter. She has two small children. Her whereabouts are unknown.

  January 21

  Irina Khakamada has made a public appeal to the Russian business elite for funds. Leonid Nevzlin, a friend of Khodorkovsky's, has offered to support her. Chubais refused.

  Those who survived the siege of Leningrad are beginning to receive medals and payments to mark the sixtieth anniversary of the raising of the siege. They are getting between 450 and 900 rubles [$16–$31]. The survivors are poor and in St. Petersburg people lined up for many days to receive it. In all, about 300,000 people were eligible to receive this pittance, but only 15,000 succeeded. The survivors dislike the new medals intensely, which read “Resident of Besieged Leningrad” and “For the Defense of Leningrad.” The Peter and Paul Fortress is depicted from an unimaginable perspective, and tank traps that were never there are shown on the embankment. It's all been done Soviet style. Like it or lump it.

  January 24

  In Grozny, unidentified persons wearing camouflage fatigues and driving a military UAZ jeep abducted Turpal Baltebiev, twenty-three, from the Hippodrome bus stop. His whereabouts are unknown.

  January 27

  Putin is in St. Petersburg. His election campaign continues against the backdrop of the sixtieth anniversary of the raising of the siege of Leningrad. He flew to Kirovsk, to the legendary Neva Bridgehead, where his father, Vladimir Spiridonovich Putin, fought and was severely wounded. It was from the Neva Bridgehead that, on January 18, 1943, the siege of Leningrad was lifted. During the siege Putin's elder brother starved to death. His mother barely survived. Between 200,000 and 400,000 soldiers died trying to break through here. The exact number and the names of many are unknown to this day, because most were simply Leningrad volunteers who died before they could be enlisted as soldiers. The bridgehead is nearly a mile long and several hundred yards wide. Even today no trees grow there. Putin laid a bouquet of dark red roses at the monument.

  In honor of Putin's arrival, a meeting of the Presidium of the State Council was held. This is a purely consultative but highly ceremonious institution, created by Putin to keep the governors of Russia's provinces happy.

  Today's session was devoted to the problems of pensioners, of whom there are more than 30 million in Russia. Some twenty were herded along to a meeting with Putin, wearing old suits and shabby cardigans. They were from Leningrad Province and spoke of their abysmally low quality of life. Putin listened to them all, interrupted nobody, and said, “It is essential for us to consider how we can provide a dignified life in old age. This is a crucial task for the state.” The words “a crucial task” are heard constantly, but, depending on the audience, it is the welfare of the peasants, or improving the health service, that is crucial. It is the familiar mimicry of a KGB agent, but the people seem not to notice. This time Putin promised to double the amount by which pensions will be indexed in 2004. The average monthly addition will amount to 240 rubles [$8.35], for which they will be able to buy 18 ounces of good-quality meat.

  Khakamada has published her manifesto:

  During the past four years the state authorities have suppressed all political opposition and destroyed the independent mass media;

  the party of government in the Duma has no program and no ideas;

  if in four years’ time, by 2008, those who support democracy have not made themselves heard, Russia will slide back irreversibly into authoritarianism;

  I challenge Putin to a debate, because I want to hear from him exactly what kind of Russia he wants to build;

  I have collected four million signatures in support of my candidacy;

  I am prepared to be the cork shot from the bottle confining the genie of the will of Russia's citizens.

  Good, effective stuff, but Putin didn't raise an eyebrow at any of the statements, as if they hadn't been made. Nobody insisted that he should respond. Our society is sick. Most people are suffering from the disease of paternalism, which is why Putin gets away with everything, why he is possible in Russia.

  January 28

  At 6:00 p.m. the Central Electoral Commission ceased to accept signatures of supporters of presidential candidates. Putin, Mironov, and Ryb-kin had already submitted theirs. Khakamada handed in hers at 3:00 p.m.

  The entrepreneur Anzori Aksentiev sent in a letter withdrawing his application.

  There are alternatives: Khakamada for Westernizers, Kharitonov for Communists, Malyshkin for political extremists and hoodlums, Glaziev for believers in our new superpower status.

  January 29

  Vladimir Potanin continues trying to position himself as a “good” oligarch—that is to say, one not comparable with Khodorkovsky He is proposing to reform the oligarchs’ trade union: “Business is a constructive force. We need a new, meaningful dialogue with the state authorities. Business should consider the needs of society, should explain who we are.” He also talks about moderating the ambitions of the oligarchs and says that big business has no need of representation in the country's leading councils.

  Potanin was given prime time on television to say all this. Everyone takes that to mean that he had the blessing of Putin himself.

  February 2

  On television Putin cuts the price of bread by using the old Soviet method of stopping grain exports. Why were we exporting grain anyway, if the country is going hungry? There is nobody to put this question as the opposition has no access to the media. Putin hears reports that in many regions the cost of bread has doubled over the past month, and demands that these uncontrolled price rises be stopped immediately.

  On television he promises to look into the payment of pensions to people disabled in childhood during the Second World War. Zurabov [the minister of health and social welfare] reports to him that he is quite sure the necessary legislation will go through all its readings in the Duma very rapidly. It is as if the Duma had no timetable for other legislation. All that matters is the president's requirements for his election campaign, which seems to consist of constantly doling out money.

  At the same time Zurabov reports to Putin on pensions for priests. Putin takes a great interest in the welfare of priests! Zurabov reminds him that before the fall of the USSR priests had no entitlement to a pension at all.

  In place of genuine preelection debates we get yet another episode of the ongoing political soap opera that is the Rodina Party: a furious row between Rogozin and Glaziev instead of debates about the future of the country. Rogozin heaps abuse on Glaziev, Glaziev blusters a lot of nonsense in reply and nobody talks about what it is that Putin might have to offer the country in a second term. Almost none of the candidates who are supposed to be opposing Putin have any ideas at all.

  In Moscow, Yelena Tregubova was almost blown up by a small bomb planted outside her apartment building. Was it just hooliganism? She recently published an anti-Putin book, Tales of a Kremlin Digger. She was a member of the Kremlin press pool, but then saw the light and wrote a book about the inner life of the Kremlin that shows him in a highly unflattering light.

  [Tregubova was sho
rtly to emigrate from Russia.]

  February 3

  At about 5:00 p.m. there was a terrorist outrage in Vladikavkaz. A Zhiguli car was blown up just as military cadets were driving past on a truck. One woman died and ten people were injured. One cadet is in critical condition.

  February 4

  In Grozny, unidentified armed men wearing masks and camouflage fatigues abducted Satsita Kamaeva, twenty-three, from her home on Aviatsionnaya Street. Her whereabouts are unknown.

  Meanwhile, in Moscow, Putin's election campaign headquarters are said to have been set up, but they are just as virtual as Putin himself. The address is No. 5, Red Square, only nobody is allowed in. Putin has appointed as leader of his election team Dmitry Kozak, the first deputy head of the presidential administration in charge of legal and administrative reform. Kozak has the reputation of being the cleverest person in the administration, after Putin, of course. Like Putin, he is a graduate of the Law Faculty of Leningrad University. He worked there in the procurator's office and in the St. Petersburg City Hall, and in 1989-99 was deputy governor of St. Petersburg. In other words, he is one of Putin's Petersburg brigade.

  The League of Committees of Soldiers’ Mothers is to set up a political party. In Russia parties are born for one of three reasons: because there is a lot of money somewhere; because somebody has nothing better to do; or because somebody has been driven to desperation. The Party of Soldiers’ Mothers is entirely a product of the December 7 parliamentary elections, born in the wilderness of a Russian politics purged of all democratic forces.