A Russian Diary Read online

Page 5


  PUTIN: “The president is a symbol of the state, so there is nothing terrible about that. Everything is good in moderation. When that is forgotten, it gives rise to concern.”

  SGT. SERGEY SERGEYEVICH, Russian military base in Kant, Kirghizia:* “The Americans have managed to capture Saddam Hussein, but there is going to be a second Vietnam in Iraq. Everybody will run away. The chaos there will affect everyone.”

  PUTIN: “ Sergey Sergeyevich, it is not in our national interest to see the USA defeated in its struggle against international terrorism. As far as Iraq is concerned, that is a separate issue. There were no international terrorists there under Saddam Hussein. Without the sanction of the United Nations Security Council the invasion cannot be regarded as legal, to put it mildly. In all ages, however, great empires have had delusions regarding their invulnerability, a sense of their grandeur and infallibility. This has invariably caused them a great deal of trouble. I hope this will not happen to our American partners.”

  VITALII POTAPOV, electrician, Borovichi, Novgorod Province: “ Before the Duma elections your dog had puppies. How are they getting on?”

  PUTIN: “They are doing well. They are very lively, but haven't opened their eyes yet. As to their future, we have had many requests from people wanting to adopt them. I and my children and my wife have to think about that. We have to make sure the puppies go to good homes. We need to know who we are giving them to.”

  BALKAROV, a Kabardinian, Nalchik: “ I work in the Russian theater. The Abkhazians [from a disputed part of Georgia] are related to the Kabardinians [who are citizens of Russia]. Perhaps we should bring Abkhazia into the Russian Federation* and avert a new war?”

  PUTIN: “This is a very acute question, for Russia as a whole, and especially for the south of our country. Maintaining the territorial integrity of the state was recently one of our own main problems and priorities. By and large that task has been accomplished. Following these principles, we cannot refuse to apply them to our neighbors. We are a member of the United Nations and we will fulfill our international obligations. There are peculiarities to do with the fact that the family of hill-dwelling peoples are a special community, with links of kinship between them that go back many centuries. We are far from indifferent to the fate of these peoples. After the collapse of the USSR many conflicts broke out, in South Ossetia, Karabakh, Abkhazia. It would be a mistake to suppose they can all be resolved by Russia. I say, agree matters between yourselves and we will act as an honest guarantor. We will keep a close eye on the Abkhaz problem, but we respect the territorial integrity of Georgia.”

  AKHMAD SAZAEV, Balkarian writer: “ Inflaming ethnic strife is forbidden by law, but during the election campaign certain parties campaigned under the slogan, ‘Russia for the Russians.’ Why were these parties allowed to broadcast such sentiments on television?”

  PUTIN: “Anyone who says ‘Russia for the Russians’ is either an idiot or a troublemaker. Russia is a multinational country. What do they want, partition? The dismemberment of Russia? Most likely these are mischief makers looking for easy gains, who want to show how radical they are. As regards the election campaign, I didn't see this on television. If it did happen, I shall talk to the procurator general. Action should be taken.”

  NATALIA KOTENKOVA, Krasnoyarsk: “ Is it not time to end privatization and begin renationalization?”

  PUTIN: “This is not a new question and I have my own views on the matter. When the country began privatization, it was assumed that the new property owners would be more efficient. That was quite right. Developed economies, however, have a well-established system of administration. By receiving taxation revenue from private enterprises, the state resolves social problems for its citizens. We ran into a snag. The administrative apparatus was not in place and the necessary resources did not flow into the treasury. I am quite certain that what is needed is to strengthen the state's institutions and legislation and improve our system of administration. Not to stop privatization.”

  DMITRY YEGOROV, twenty-five: “ I listen to heavy rock. What kind of music do you like?”

  PUTIN: “ Light classical music and Russian big band music with vocals.”

  ALEXEY, Sverdlovsk Province: “Were you very strict in bringing up your daughters?”

  PUTIN: “ No, unfortunately. Or fortunately. My girls have grown up independent, with a sense of their own worth. I think that is a good result.”

  IRINA MOZHAISKAYA, teacher: “In the past three years there have been twelve terrorist outrages in Staropoliye. Forty-five people were killed in Yessentuki. How can this be stopped?”

  PUTIN: “What is the root of the problem? It is a problem stemming not only from Chechnya. There are people in the world who consider they have the right to influence the outlook of people who adhere to Islam. They consider that they have a right to take control of territories densely populated by Muslims. This is extremely relevant to our country. ‘International terrorists’ is our name for these people. They have exploited the problems of the disintegration of the USSR, which are related to what has happened in Chechnya, but they have other goals. They want not independence for Chechnya but secession of all territories with a high Islamic population. If the Balkanization of Russia were to begin, that would be terrible. We must fight that. The threat comes from abroad. The Islamic extremist groups in Dagestan* consist of 50 percent of foreigners. The only way is not to give in to their pressure, not to panic. We must act firmly and systematically, and the law enforcement agencies need to improve the way they work.”

  ANATOLY NIKITIN, Murmansk Province: “The internal affairs offices and traffic militia seem to think they are in business to make a profit. Are you fully informed about what goes on in these agencies?”

  PUTIN: “In the current year there have been more than 19,000 irregularities within the Interior Ministry's area of responsibility, and of these more than 2,600 were outright violations of the law. Many officials have faced criminal charges. The security services will be further strengthened. To give you a straight answer, yes, I am aware of the real situation in the agencies of law and order.”

  SERGEY TATARENKO: “ Is the state planning to stop the migration of Chinese into the Far East?”

  PUTIN: “ Not to stop it, but to regulate it. We need to know where, how many, and what kind of migrants we require, and devise a way of attracting the manpower we need. The level of corruption in this sphere is very high.”

  LIDIYA IVANOVNA, Khimki, Moscow Province: “Will a mechanism be created to fight corruption in the procurators’ offices and the courts? And in the executive institutions of the state?”

  PUTIN: “Apart from becoming tougher over this, we need to introduce fundamental changes. We need to start a real administrative reform. The fewer opportunities officials have to interfere in the making of decisions, the better. The court system should be independent but transparent—accountable to society. The judges already have a system of self-regulation. I hope it will start working.”

  IVETTA, student, Pedagogical University, Nizhny Novgorod: “They say you are a political pupil of Anatoly Sobchak, one of the founders of the democratic movement. What is your attitude toward the defeat of the forces on the political right?”

  PUTIN: “ Sobchak was my teacher at university. The defeat of the forces of the right gives me no pleasure. All the country's political voices should be represented in our Parliament. Their absence is a major loss, but it is a result of their policies. They made mistakes both in the tactics and in the strategy of their political campaign. They had access to administrative resources—Anatoly Chubais is in charge of Russia's entire electricity system. They had everything, apart from an understanding of what people expect from a political party. There was also a lack of political will on the part of the miscellaneous forces on the right to agree on a joint course of action. I hope their defeat will not result in their disappearing from the political map. We shall help them too. We shall have discussions with the Union of Right Force
s and Yabloko and try to make use of their human resources.”

  VLADIMIR BYKOVSKY, Chuvashia: “Do you allow yourself emotions?”

  PUTIN: “Unfortunately, I do.”

  DOBROSLAVA DIACHKOVA, pensioner, Vyborg: “I work in a Hope Center for the elderly and disabled, and talk a lot to those who are resting there. Many have relatives and friends in the Baltic states. Why does Russia not undertake more positive action to defend the Russian population in the Baltic states?”

  PUTIN: “ In recent years our Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been increasingly devoting attention to this. Many things there give us cause for concern. It cannot be said that these people are in full possession of their rights and freedoms. We are trying to help them both diplomatically and in court cases at various levels, but certain West European standards that are seen as appropriate in a number of other hot spots should also apply to the Baltic states. If in Macedonia the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the European Community believe there should be representation for the Albanian population in the south of Macedonia, why is this principle not applicable in Riga, where 25 percent of the population is Russian? Why are there different standards? In order not to do more harm than good for our compatriots, we shall approach this matter cautiously.”

  ANNA NOVIKOVA, university teacher: “ People who distribute drugs should be given a life sentence!”

  PUTIN: “I proposed changes to make penalties more severe. The Third Duma passed them, the Soviet of the Federation supported them, and a week ago I signed these amendments into law. There is a considerable increase in severity—up to twenty years’ imprisonment for certain categories. I think it is a significant improvement.”

  PUTIN then read out a question he himself had chosen from those sent in by e-mail: “What is your attitude toward increasing the term for presidents?”

  PUTIN: “ I am against it.”

  Immediately after this communion with the people, Putin told the press: “Our state system is not yet fully established. In Russia everything is still evolving. Direct communication with citizens is extremely useful.”

  This is how Putin concluded the event, and it may explain why he appeared on the phone-in in the first place: “Strengthening democracy has a practical importance in Russia. A situation has developed that will allow us to create a unique multiparty system, with a powerful right center, social democracy on the left, allies to either side, and also with representatives of marginal groups and parties. This is now an achievable goal.”

  A strange statement that does not reflect reality.

  If we consider the phone-in from a preelection viewpoint, the main planks of Putin's platform as of December 18 would seem to be: the fight against poverty, defense of the Constitution, the creation of a multiparty system, the struggle against corruption, the struggle against terrorism, and the development of mortgage lending.

  How much of this is our virtual president likely to implement?

  December 20

  Today is Secret Policeman's Day. The Cheka-OGPU-NKVD-KGB-FSB have been at it for eighty-six years. On the television news this is the lead item. How awful. The tone of the report is very dispassionate, as if millions of lives had not been sacrificed to this blood-soaked service. What else can we expect in a country whose leader openly admits that, even while in the post of president, he remains “in the active reserve of The Firm”?

  The final official summary of the parliamentary election results: United Russia, 37.55 percent (120 seats); the Communist Party, 12.6 percent (40 seats); the Liberal Democratic Party, 11.45 percent (36 seats). Rodina obtained 29 seats. In three constituencies, in Sverdlovsk and Ulianovsk Provinces and also in St. Petersburg, by-elections will be held on March 14 because the successful candidate this time was “None of the above.” From tomorrow the parties can propose their presidential candidates.

  Deputies are scuttling over to join United Russia. Particularly painful is the defection of Pavel Krashenninikov, elected as an independent candidate, but previously known to the electorate as a liberal and a member of the Union of Right Forces. The Duma is becoming a one-party show.

  December 21

  Yavlinsky has declined to stand as a presidential candidate for Yabloko. He also declared that they would “create a major democratic party,” but made the announcement with the haughty expression that puts everybody off voting for him. Proof, if proof were needed, that we need new faces and new leaders. Today's are incapable of forming a democratic opposition.

  Khakamada also announced that the Union of Right Forces would not be putting forward a candidate. Her explanation was convincing: “From the way people voted, it is clear that they don't want us leading the country.” The Communists also say they want no part in the election.

  A boycott of the presidential election by the opposition on the right and left: is this now the only way for them to play a part in the country's politics after the December elections?

  December 22

  Today Putin submitted applications to the Central Electoral Commission from a group of electors who wish to start collecting signatures in support of his candidacy. The Kremlin's public opinion survey indicates that 72 percent of the electorate would vote for Putin if the election were held today.

  Who is standing against him? As of now, the only alternative to Putin is Gherman Sterligov, an undertaker who makes coffins. He has no party behind him, only lots of money and “The Russian Ideal.” He is a rank outsider. The other potential runner is Vladimir Zhirinovsky. He has stated that the Liberal Democratic Party will field a candidate. He too is an outsider, but has done his bit to become an insider with the Kremlin. Putin looks ridiculous in such company. Presumably in the next few weeks the administration will cobble together a group of rather more respectable candidates for Putin to defeat.

  Nobody quite believes yet that Khodorkovsky is going to be found guilty. Most people think this is all just a Kremlin ploy, which will be dropped after Putin has been reelected. On December 30 the period for which Khodorkovsky can be detained will expire, but hearings have been arranged well in advance at the Basmanny court in Moscow to extend his imprisonment.

  This evening it became clear that the procurator general's office is asking that Khodorkovsky should be held until March 25. That is, he will see Putin's reelection from prison. Khodorkovsky was brought to the court only at 4:00 p.m. or so. Sometime after 6:00 p.m., when all the judges, employees, witnesses, plaintiffs, and defendants in other cases had left, the doors of the Basmanny court were closed and the hearing of his case began.

  What are they so scared of? Is Khodorkovsky really the most dangerous man in Russia? Not even terrorists get this treatment, and Khodorkovsky is charged only with seven counts of financial irregularities. He was taken back to the Matrosskaya Tishina prison at about 10:00 p.m. The application of the procurator general's office was granted.

  Some results of last Sunday's local elections of governors: in Tver Province 9 percent of the electorate voted for “None of the above.” In Kirov Province it was 10 percent.

  Those who vote “against” are the real democrats in Russia today. They have done their duty as citizens by turning out to vote, and are mostly thoughtful people with an aversion to all those now in power.

  December 23

  Ritual murders are taking place in Moscow. A second severed head has been found in the past twenty-four hours, this time in the district of Go-lianovo in the east of Moscow. It was in a rubbish container on Altaiskaya Street. Yesterday evening, a head in a plastic bag was found lying on a table in the courtyard outside Apartment Building 3 on Krasnoyarskaya Street. Both men had been dead for twenty-four hours before the discovery. The circumstances in the two cases are almost identical: the victims are from the Caucasus, aged thirty to forty, and have dark hair. Their identities are unknown. The heads were found two-thirds of a mile apart.

  Such are the results of racist propaganda in the run-up to the parliamentary elections. Our people are very
susceptible to fascist propaganda, and react promptly. In Moscow, Dmitry Rogozin's Rodina Party won 15 percent of the vote earlier this month.

  The Union of Right Forces and Yabloko have unveiled their new joint project: the United Democratic Council, an interparty body to which each party will nominate six members. At the announcement, not even party workers seemed to have much faith that the union would last. The general public seem totally uninterested in what has become of Yavlinsky, Nemtsov, and the Yabloko Party luminaries.

  Putin has held a meeting with the business elite, or rather there has been a meeting of the board of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry that the president attended.

  Putin favors the chamber over the RUIE, the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs, which is considered the oligarchs’ trade union. It was from the RUIE that Anatoly Chubais spoke out in defense of Khodorkovsky shortly after his arrest. He didn't pull his punches, talking of an “escalation of the actions of the authorities and the law enforcement agencies in respect of Russian business.” He warned that the business community's confidence in the government had been undermined: “Russian business no longer trusts the current system of law enforcement or those running it.” This was a direct accusation by the oligarchs’ trade union that the forces under Putin's command were destabilizing society. Chubais called for Putin to adopt a “clear and unambiguous position.” These were unprecedentedly harsh words from business to the government.

  Putin's response was to tell them publicly to “cut out the hysterics” and to advise the government “not to get drawn into this discussion.” He ignored the substance of the oligarchs’ complaint and expressed his complete confidence in the law enforcement agencies. When in January Boris Gryzlov was appointed speaker of the Duma, Putin promoted Rashid Nurgaliev, one of the most odious militia bosses, to be minister of the interior. This may also have been a response to whisperings at that time about Putin's supposed weakness as a leader, an attempt to demonstrate the robustness of the regime.